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Newt Gingrich Is Why America Can't Have Nice Things

Posted: 09/16/2014 7:53 pm EDT Updated: 09/17/2014 1:59 pm EDT

WASHINGTON -- There's something disconcerting about watching Newt Gingrich take the stage to deliver a policy speech in 2014.

To most Americans, Gingrich is a charming curiosity: His latest stint with public relevancy was a quixotic 2012 presidential bid in which he visited many of the nation's finest zoos and advocated the establishment of lunar colonies.*

But on another level, Gingrich's Tuesday speech on housing before the Bipartisan Policy Center epitomizes the soft corruption of Washington elites at their worst.

As Speaker of the House in 1995, Gingrich opted to shut down the federal government rather than cut a budget deal with President Bill Clinton. He defended Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac in Congress, and after leaving Capitol Hill received more than $1.6 million in consulting fees for Freddie -- during years in which the mortgage giant took on heavy risks that ended with a government rescue. In Tuesday's speech, Gingrich had the audacity to warn about the dangers of too-big-to-fail institutions backed by government guarantees -- and not one person in the auditorium at the Washington Renaissance Hotel dared to cry foul in his presence.

How does such a man become an expert on either bipartisanship or housing? The unfortunate answer is the third silent partner in the contemporary Beltway understanding of bipartisanship: corporate America.

When Washington talking heads discuss "bipartisanship," they often avoid topics about which many Republicans and Democrats in Congress actually agree. You won't hear them extoll the virtues of publicly auditing the Federal Reserve, or of prosecuting bank executives for misconduct that created the financial crisis, for instance. But you will hear plenty of calls for lowering corporate taxes or privatizing public assets.

Gingrich was full of these ideas on Tuesday. After touting French President Francois Hollande's weak approval ratings, the existence of 3-D printed cars, ATMs in multiple languages, cell phones equipped with GPS mapping, Uber and AirBnB, he eventually got down to business: He called for more oil and gas exploration (fracking), lower corporate taxes and turning over the core operations of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to the financial sector.

"You want to get as much of this away from politics as you can," said Gingrich, a career politician and political consultant to the mortgage market.

He wasn't alone. Housing and Urban Development Secretary Julian Castro praised a (bipartisan) Senate bill that would feed the fruits of Fannie and Freddie to the nation's largest finan....

"A government-dominated market is unsustainable," Castro said. "The bipartisan passage of Johnson-Crapo in the Senate Banking Committee was a huge step forward."

In truth, the problems in the U.S. housing market aren't very complex. But solving them involves holding very big banks accountable for some very bad things. And most so-called bipartisan groups earn their centrist gold stars by aiding big corporations, or at least by leaving them alone when they do wrong.

Wall Street banks broke the housing market, and both Congress and the Obama administration have refused to fix it. Evidence of robosigning -- banks forging signatures and fabricating documents in order to pursue foreclosures -- persisted for years after the government reached multiple big-ticket settlements to eliminate the scourge. "Zombie foreclosures" -- when a bank evicts a borrower but then opts not to actually take ownership of the house, creating huge billing problems for homeowners and local taxes -- have sparked a rash of blighted properties across the nation. There's even a new problem with "robo-testifiers" -- people who masquerade as expert witnesses for banks on foreclosures about which they have no knowledge.

That mess creates a lot of legal uncertainty. Private-sector investors don't want to get tied up with mortgage risk, because they simply don't trust the banks. And young people who used to buy houses can't afford to invest thanks to elevated unemployment and weak wages created by the financial crisis.

But you wouldn't know any of this from the Bipartisan Policy Center's two-day housing conference. Four panels and speeches were explicitly devoted to the future of housing finance reform -- insider code for "how to privatize Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac." Another panel was devoted to jumpstarting the private sector's role in housing finance -- basically the same thing. The rest was, well ... there was a panel titled, "Can Millennials Save The Housing Market?" and another panel featuring a discussion between James Carville and Mary Matalin, which might have been Beltway-edgy in 1996.

The focus on how to turn Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac over to Wall Street obscures the fact that things are going relatively well at the mortgage giants these days. Sure, they cover most of the mortgage market and put taxpayers on the hook for potential losses. But in contrast to the subprime heyday, they also present taxpayers with all of the upside on mortgages they support. So far, profits have been pretty good.

The only real trouble is a 2012 Treasury Department decision that almost all profits from Fannie and Freddie have to be swept into the general fund of the U.S. government. That prevents the firms from building up a capital base that could allow some leniency on mortgage standards to let more people into the market -- if that is, in fact, needed. Elevated joblessness, stagnant wages and increasing economic inequality may well be the ultimate culprits, rather than loan approval standards.

But if Fannie and Freddie's guidelines are really locking out too many borrowers, the trauma is easily treated. The executive branch can simply reverse its profit sweep ruling, letting the firms build up capital and relax their standards without any bipartisan negotiation.

But "Why Doesn't Obama fix it?" isn't very bipartisan, and Gingrich is a Republican. And in truth, the Gingrich speech wasn't totally devoid of policy substance. He did, despite his own history, warn about the dangers of too-big-to-fail banks and the economic drag of elevated student debt levels.

"If you're serious about helping the next generation involved in housing, you have got to look at the student loan disaster," Gingrich said. "This is the next big crushing disaster coming down the road."

Indeed, Americans now shoulder more than $1 trillion in student debt amid declining wages.

But Gingrich didn't suggest any policy to combat either too-big-to-fail or the student loan crisis. Instead, he offered vague platitudes, which were eagerly devoured by an auditorium packed with the gray-bearded frumps and well-heeled young lobbyists who make up the rapidly expanding Bipartisan Industrial Complex.

"We ought to try figure out how we have an honest national conversation," Gingrich said. "And by 'national,' I mean at the level of the Congress and the elites in this city."

*This was actually a pretty good idea. Gingrich also pressed for colonies on Mars, although the existing literature suggests that these would quickly become leftist hotbeds.

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Everyone's a critic.  The only one who has tried to provide solutions is Obama and the Progressives in D.C.

How Long Can the GOP Hide the Crazy?


The Daily Beast
How Long Can the GOP Hide the Crazy?
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How Long Can the GOP Hide the Crazy?

I have to give the Republicans credit for one thing in this election cycle. They’ve been able to keep their crazies quiet. But the big question is: Will some GOP crazy talk seep out between now November 4? In the words of Sarah Palin, I’d have to say, “You betcha.”

We’ve recently seen some glimmers of Republican lunacy. Just last week the Arizona State Republican Party’s vice-chair, Russell Pearce, offered this gem: “You put me in charge of Medicaid, the first thing I’d do is get Norplant, birth-control implants, or tubal ligations.” Translation: forced sterilization of poor women to make sure they don’t have more babies. Pearce resigned on Sunday.

That’s an awful remark. But that wouldn’t even get him to the GOP final four of crazy when you compare it with the crap we’ve heard come of the mouths of Republican candidates in recent years. 

 Who can forget in 2012 the double whammy of GOP Senate candidates comments about rape? First, there was Rep. Todd Akin who told us when there’s a “legitimate rape” of a woman, her body somehow is able to magically block the unwanted pregnancy.

 Then came Indiana’s Senate nominee, Richard Mourdock, who told us that pregnancy from rape is in essence a good thing because it’s “something God intended.” Consequently he, like Akin, believed that women who were raped should be legally required to carry the rapist’s child to term.

 And in 2010, there was Sharron Angle, who lost a possibly winnable Senate race against Harry Reid in Nevada with comments like people might need to look toward “Second Amendment remedies” to turn this country around and “the first thing we need to do is take Harry Reid out.” It’s not often—in America at least- we see politicians suggest that maybe their political opponent should be shot.

Now some might ask: Maybe we aren’t hearing those types of remarks because the Republican Party no longer has right-wing crazies? (I’ll pause so you can finish laughing.) True, some “wacko birds,” to quote John McCain, lost in the primaries this year, but still the GOP still is chock full o’ nuts.

And I think we are well positioned to see some of these candidates take a journey on the crazy train in the closing weeks of this election cycle. Why? Three reasons. First, the debates are coming up, and as we saw in 2012 with Mourdock, the more these people talk in an unscripted forum, the more likely the guano will ooze out.

Second, in the tighter races, the candidates are feeling the heat. Consequently, they may make an unforced error or try to offer some red meat to the far right hoping it brings their base out in what’s expected to be a low-turnout election.

Finally, there are some male Republican candidates for Senate, like Colorado’s Corey Gardner and North Carolina’s Thom Tillis, who are playing with dynamite. By that I mean they’ve decided to talk birth control thinking it can help them, but one slip up on this issue, and cue the “Republican war on women” headlines.

Any of these scenarios could be trouble for the GOP. And not just for the candidate who made the comment, but it could put Republicans on the defensive nationwide. So in the vein of March Madness, here are my picks for the Final Four of the 2014 GOP championship of crazy.

1. Jody Hice—Choosing Hice is like picking Duke or UConn in the NCAA basketball tournament. Hice, the GOP nominee in Georgia’s conservative 10th congressional district, has already given us a buffet of cuckoo. He has made horribly anti-gay and anti-Muslim comments, plus he thinks women should only run for political office if their husbands consent. And as Stephen Colbert noted two weeks ago, Hice recently confused a quote made by John Quincy Adams with one made by Dolly Parton.

2. Rep. Joni Ernst—The GOP Senate nominee in the battleground state of Iowa has the potential to serve up a prime cut of crazy. During the primary, she stated that U.S. laws “come from God,” and judges must be aware of that when deciding cases. She has called Obama a “dictator,” suggested impeaching him, and advocated that states be able to nullify federal laws they don’t agree with. Plus she gave us a Palinesque commercial where she rode a Harley Davidson while shooting a gun, promising voters that “once she sets her sights on Obamacare, Joni’s gonna unload.”

3. Thom Tillis—Although the Republican Senate nominee in the Tar Heel State is a veteran politician, he still might just deliver up a whopper. In 2011, Tillis did give us a comment that conjures up the ghost of Mitt Romney’s 47 percent remark when he told a crowd: “what we have to do is find a way to divide and conquer the people who are on assistance.” And just a few months ago, Tillis offered us this beaut: Unlike blacks and Hispanics, the “traditional population” in our country isn’t growing.

4. Sam Brownback—The Kansas Governor might be the sleeper in this race to crazy. He’s in a tight reelection campaign and he’s very right wing. In fact, during a TV interview in 2012, he told a female caller that if she didn’t like the fact that her boss didn’t want to cover her birth control because of his religious beliefs, she should “go work somewhere else.”

Those are my top four. Sure, I could’ve picked others. There are perennial wingnut powerhouses like Iowa Rep. Steve King and Texas’ resident wacko Rep. Louie Gohmert, but I’m feeling pretty good with my choices.

So now it’s time sit back and let the games begin. I can almost guarantee you that in the final weeks of this campaign one of the above candidates will make headlines with some outrageous comment. For people like Hice, who is in a safe GOP district, it may not matter. But for those in tight races like Tillis and Ernst, one slip up could allow a Democratic candidate to be the Cinderella story of this year. And a few Akin-esque gaffes could actually help Democrats be bracket busters and retain control of the Senate and pick off a few governorships.





Elena Scotti/The Daily Beast



Jay Michaelson


Politics


09.25.14

The $1-Billion-a-Year Right-Wing Conspiracy You Haven’t Heard Of


Are you female, gay, non-Christian, or otherwise interested in the separation of church and state? Get to know The Gathering, a shadowy, powerful network of hard-right funders meeting Thursday in Florida.

Have you heard of the $1,750-per-person “Gathering,” which starts Thursday in Orlando, Florida?

Probably not. But if you’re female, gay, non-Christian, or otherwise interested in the separation of church and state, your life has been affected by it.

The Gathering is a conference of hard-right Christian organizations and, perhaps more important, funders. Most of them are not household names, at least if your household isn’t evangelical. But that’s the point: The Gathering is a hub of Christian Right organizing, and the people in attendance have led the campaigns to privatize public schools, redefine “religious liberty” (as in the Hobby Lobby case), fight same-sex marriage, fight evolution, and, well, you know the rest. They’re probably behind that, too.

Featured speakers have included many of the usual suspects: Alliance Defending Freedom President and CEO Alan Sears (2013), Focus on the Family President Jim Daly (2011), and Family Research Council head Tony Perkins (2006). This year, however, they are joined by David Brooks of The New York Times and Michael Gerson of The Washington Post. What’s going on? Has The Gathering gone mainstream?

Hardly, says Bruce Wilson, director of the advocacy group Truth Wins Out’s Center Against Religious Extremism and a leading researcher on The Gathering. The selection of this year’s speakers, he says, is just the latest in a long line of misdirections and canards.

To be sure, untangling webs of funders, organizations, and campaigns can often feel like conspiracy-mongering. Your brain begins to resemble one of those bulletin boards from A Beautiful Mind or Se7en, full of paranoid-seeming Post-Its and strings. Wilson has been untangling these webs for years, and sometimes it shows. His many publications and his emails to me are long-winded, occasionally exaggerated, and sometimes hard to follow.

But often he’s dead on. And beneath the hyperbole, The Gathering is as close to a “vast right-wing conspiracy” as you’re likely to find. So with this year’s conference about to get under way, Wilson gave The Daily Beast an exclusive interview over email—heavily redacted here—about this shadowy, powerful network of hard-right funders.

Lets start with the basics. What is The Gathering?

The Gathering is an annual event at which many of the wealthiest conservative to hard-right evangelical philanthropists in America—representatives of the families DeVos, Coors, Prince, Green, Maclellan, Ahmanson, Friess, plus top leaders of the National Christian Foundation—meet with evangelical innovators with fresh ideas on how to evangelize the globe. The Gathering promotes “family values” agenda: opposition to gay rights and reproductive rights, for example, and also a global vision that involves the eventual eradication of all competing belief systems that might compete with The Gathering’s hard-right version of Christianity. Last year, for example, The Gathering 2013 brought together key funders, litigants, and plaintiffs of the Hobby Lobby case, including three generations of the Green family.

The Gathering was conceived in 1985 by a small band of friends at the Arlington, Virginia, retreat center known as The Cedars, which is run by the evangelical network that hosts the annual National Prayer Breakfast. This stealthy network is known as The Family or The Fellowship. Jeff Sharlet’s book The Family: The Secret Fundamentalism at the Heart of American Power described it in great detail.

How much money are we talking about here?

The evangelical right financial dynasties and foundations that meet each year at The Gathering dispense upwards of $1 billion a year in grants. But even that is overshadowed by the bigger sums that The Family and The Gathering have managed to route from the federal and state government to fund their movement via the Faith-Based Initiative program, USAID, PEPFAR and other multibillion-dollar programs.

You mentioned the National Christian Foundation. I bet most of our readers havent heard of that, either. Can you tell us a bit about it?

The NCF was created, back in 1982 or so, to maximize hard right-wing evangelical Christian philanthropic giving. It was so novel and complex, the architects got a special ruling from the IRS, to make sure it was legal. The NCF has multiple overlapping legal entities and holding companies, but at the core is a huge donor-advised fund. The NCF is now the 12th biggest charitable foundation in America that raises money from private sources.

“The story of the politicized religious right is one of the biggest untold stories of our time.”

Since its founding, the NCF has given away over $4.3 billion, $2.5 billion of it in the last three years. The NCF gave away $601,841,675 in 2012—and is estimated to have given out $670 million in 2013.

One reason the NCF, a donor-advised fund, has been so successful is that it ensures anonymity for its philanthropists. Many of these individuals may fear a backlash, given the controversial causes that they support.

But we do know about the NCF’s leadership. Two of the NCF co-founders were tied to Campus Crusade for Christ, and the late Larry Burkett, a NCF co-founder, was also one of the co-founders of the Alliance Defense Fund/Alliance Defending Freedom, now the religious right’s preeminent umbrella legal defense fund. NCF’s other co-founder, Atlanta tax lawyer Terrence Parker, sits on the board of directors of the Family Research Council, and also The Gathering Foundation, which puts on The Gathering.

From 2001-12, the NCF gave $163,384,998 to leading anti-LGBT organizations. These include Focus on the Family, the Family Research Council, the American Family Association, the Alliance Defending Freedom (formerly Alliance Defense Fund), Campus Crusade for Christ (aka CRU), the National Organization for Marriage, and the Alliance for Marriage. They fund ex-gay ministries like Exodus International, exporters of homophobia like Advocates International, you name it.

The NCF is just getting started, though. The Green family—who were at The Gathering in 2008 and 2013—have said they intend to leave much of their fortune to it. And in 2009, Hobby Lobby-related contributions were the No. 1 source of NCF funding (about $54 million), which we know because Eli Clifton, funded by The Nation Institute, somehow got hold of an NCF 2009 990 Schedule B form, which shows NCF’s top funders that year (Hobby Lobby was No. 1, Maclellan Foundation No. 2).

On another note, Chick-fil-A’s VP and CFO, James “Buck” McCabe, is on the board of the NCF, and in 1999 no less than three of Chick-fil-A’s top leaders spoke at The Gathering (S. Truett Cathy, Dan Cathy, and Don “Bubba” Cathy).

Having worked in philanthropy myself, I can say that these figures are astounding. The leading private funder of LGBT issues gives out about $16 million a year. Which other funders will be there?

Other major players include the John Templeton Foundation ($104,863,836 in 2012 grants), the Barnaby Foundation ($39,939,489), the Christian Community Foundation (an NCF “spinoff”), and the family foundations of the DeVos families (including Rich DeVos, one of the original funders of the Christian Right), Howard & Roberta Ahmanson (operating as Fieldstead & Company—and among the most notorious right-wing funders in America), Adolph Coors, and many others.

Interestingly, some more secular right-wing funders—Scaife, Olin, Bradley—are not known to attend The Gathering.

And yet The Gathering also has some mainstream figures on the schedule, including David Brooks of The New York Times and Michael Gerson of The Washington Post.

Well, there are two possibilities. One, Brooks knows a bit about the underlying politics of The Gathering but doesn’t care, which is to say he’s on board with that political agenda to the extent he’s willing to lend his reputation to the event. Two, he’s relatively clueless. He’s been conned. Which would raise questions about his political acumen.

I’m very suspicious that Brooks’ planned appearance at The Gathering was an outgrowth of his heavy participation in the Faith Angle Forum of frequent The Gathering participant Michael Cromartie, who advises elite secular media on the culture wars, which he is also helping to wage. In 2008 Cromartie talked to The Gathering about the need to “infiltrate” secular media. His Faith Angle Forum was created to bring together elite journalists who covered religion and politics with “experts.” And experts they are—but they’re all picked by Cromartie, and many of them have been speakers at The Gathering, as well.

A lot of these issues are pretty unsurprising: fight the gays, fight abortion. But your research also shows that these Christian Right funders are behind a lot of climate denial.

Yup. Over the last decade, he NCF has pumped over $140 million into groups that oppose action to curb climate change and portray concern over global warming as part of a satanic conspiracy to impose a tyrannical “One World Order” or “New World Order.”

Michael Cromartie, whom I just mentioned, will be one of the presenters at The Gathering 2014. He is a signatory to the positions of the Cornwall Alliance, a rump religious coalition opposing action to curb human-caused climate change. The Cornwall Alliance was itself masterminded by E. Calvin Beisner, who helped coin many of the most popular arguments of the global warming denialist/inaction crowd, in a late 1980s-early 1990s book series project led and financed by Howard Ahmanson and his Fieldstead & Co.

Most of the major players in the Christian Right signed the Cornwell Alliance papers. The Ethics and Public Policy Center (NCF gave it $115,000 over 1- years), Chuck Colson’s Prison Fellowship ($12,768,852), Focus on the Family ($44,754,804), Campus Crusade for Christ ($55,233,717), Family Research Council ($17,707,343), Concerned Women for America ($160,163), American Family Association ($2,024,033), and others.

This is exhausting, depressing stuff. What keeps you going?

First, endless exposure to the politicized religious right renders the disturbing nature of the subject banal. So at one level, it becomes just another job specialization. Most days, I might as well be studying some obscure species of sea snail.

But I think the story of the politicized religious right is one of the biggest untold stories of our time. It’s the story of how a covert political movement, driven by a well-organized, -funded, and committed minority, has perturbed the political arc of the biggest, wealthiest, and most powerful nation on Earth—and how it has subverted the national dialogue.

I'm annoyed at the basic dishonesty of religio/political phenomena such as The Gathering that lay claim to the Christian tradition but ignore its underlying mandate of truth-telling. The semi-covert movement represented by The Gathering may not be able to conquer America and its “7 mountains” (Loren Cunningham, co-originator of the 7M motivational mantra, addressed The Gathering in 2001), but it nonetheless exerts considerable force on international politics, and not in an especially honest manner.

The world needs better. There are many problems to address. And I think world religions can become part of the solutions that guide us toward a better outcome in coming decades, but only insofar as they put aside covert, religious supremacist agendas and work for the common good of all. And workable solutions will require honesty—not currently a hallmark of The Gathering.



first texas,,,now colorado....the rewriting of history . an interesting comment from one of the people in charge of texas  education said something to the effect that 'we want it to be about the good things and leave out the bad things'  guess they just don't understand the definition of 'history', it is the facts, warts and all.

Colorado High School Students Are Protesting A Proposed Curriculum They Say Censors US History - CLONE

Business Insider

REUTERS/Rick Wilking Protesters at Bear Creek High School hold a sign to demonstrate against proposed changes to a history curriculum that would stress patriotism and discourage civil disobedience.

All week, Jefferson County, Colorado, high school students have walked out of their classes to protest pr... that they say censors American history by downplaying the legacy of civil disobedience.

According to The Denver Post: "Hundreds of high schoolers across the county have hit the streets protesting a proposed curriculum committee that would call for promoting 'positive aspects' of U.S. history and avoiding or condoning 'civil disorder, social strife or disregard of the law.'" On Thursday, the fourth and most attended day of the weeklong protest, more than 1,000 students walked out of class behind a new unified slogan — "It's our history; don't make it mystery."

Jefferson County is the second-largest school district in Colorado, with about 85,000 students.

The protesters seem to be tapping into the very history that they say lawmakers are trying to hide from them. "People think because we are teenagers, we don't know things, but we are going home and looking things up ... If they don't teach us civil disobedience, we will teach ourselves," one high school senior told The Post.

Over the course of the week, student attendance at the protests has surged from about 100 to 200 on Monday to more than 1,000 on Thursday. Students told The Post that the protests had been organized over Facebook events and other social media outlets.

"It was students talking to students talking to more students," one student said.

 

 

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